Nigeria has still been one of the most religiously divided countries in Africa, as its population is nearly divided by half, between Christians and Muslims. This two-facetedness has become the characteristic of the sociopolitical reality of Nigeria, which is the basis of both communal identity and conflict. In Nigeria, religion is not just a matter of individual faith, it influences the administration, laws and even allocation of state resources, and further divides the mostly Muslim north with the Christian south.
Sectarian violence has increased since the beginning of the 2000s, which is interfering with ethnic conflicts and struggles over resources. The Fulani herders vs the Christian farmers in the south battle still takes the lives of people every year. According to analysts, the issue is no longer a matter of faith, but a matter of land access, economic inequality or even historical marginalization. Nonetheless, the religious rhetoric still is a strong mobilizing force that influences the nature of violence justification and maintenance.
Sharia law and systemic discrimination
Twelve states in North Nigeria apply the Sharia law, which makes religious values the direct part of the state government. Proponents believe that it is a mirror of cultural values, however, critics point out that it is systemic discrimination against Christians and non-Muslims. According to reports in Kaduna and Kano, churches were being limited to construct, there were restrictions in accessing civil service jobs as well as in local courts. In 2025, the Archbishop Matthew Man-Oso Ndagoso of Kaduna noted that Islamic organizations still enjoy preference in the education and funding sectors by state institutions.
These legal differences create a sense of resentment that undermines cohesion practices in the country. They also make the implementation of inclusive policies by the federal government difficult because constitutional secularism and regional religious enforcement are in conflict. Such a dual system has continued to cause mistrust and undermine the national identity of Nigeria, which provides fertile ground to be exploited by extremists.
The role of terrorism and extremist factions
One of the most devastating representations of religious violence in Nigeria is still Boko Haram. It was established on the radical Islamist ideology and it has been targeting the Christian and Muslim civilians and state institutions. With military offensives and international support, the insurgency remains in 2025, now an entanglement of local militias and transnational terror networks throughout the Sahel.
In intercommunal conflicts in the states of Benue and Plateau, more than 300 civilians have been killed recently, according to reports. Although these figures are changing, they indicate an alarming trend of the security crisis in the country. According to analysts in the Abuja based Centre of Conflict Studies, the continued existence of the extremist groups is beginning to sabotage governance, investment, and the confidence of citizens in the democratic institutes.
Ethiopia’s identity crisis amid political fragmentation
The case of Ethiopia shows how religious pluralism can cause the fragile states to collapse through the integration of ethnic fragmentation. The ethno-federalist model that was introduced to govern the diversity in the country in 1991 had the effect of making the rivalries between the regions harsher. This design gave administrative autonomy to communities such as Oromo, Amhara and Tigrayans but also gave the entrenchment of identity based politics that today are threatening the national cohesiveness.
Ethnic federalism and faith divisions
The Western Tigray war continues to be a miniature of the ethnic struggle that Ethiopia is going through. The rivalry across the competing narratives, one of a powerful and centralized Ethiopian identity and another of regional autonomy has constantly led to violence. Islam and Christianity, which have traditionally co-existed in several parts of the world without much conflict, have been placed in bad terms with the influence of politics. Religious affiliation tends to be a reflection of ethnic differences and thus it becomes tough to make peace.
Religious leaders who used to play meditating roles are now facing political pressure. According to church and mosque leaders, surveillance, arrests and limited space of interfaith dialogue are reported. As of 2025, the federal system of Ethiopia is still disputed, and semi-regular violence is witnessed in Oromia and Amhara. The undermining of national institutions has created spaces into which local militias and extremist groups that take advantage of social divides can enter.
Political exclusion and legitimacy crisis
Ethiopian instability lies in its political exclusion. Governments that have followed have had difficulties in sharing the power among its ethnically and religiously diverse citizens. The conflicts over the control of resources and the administrative territories often transform into the conflicts of identities undermining the legitimacy of the state. Local clerics and faith networks usually step into the gap in the areas of poor governance and they offer both relief and ideological direction.
Such an intersection of religion and politics makes state-building difficult. The future of Ethiopia as one Addis Ababa scholar describes it in early 2025 is between unity and fragmentation based on identity, which is inspired by faith. The difficulty is that it is necessary to reconcile these conflicting visions before they become irreversibly divided.
Extremism growing under faith rivalries
On the continent of Africa, extremist groups have been able to exploit similar grievances that can be witnessed in Nigeria and Ethiopia, namely, poverty, exclusion and failure of governance. Boko Haram, al-Shabaab, and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) are militant groups that take advantage of weak social fabrics and offer divine justice in place of failed secular institutions. Their existence shows that when religion is turned into a weapon, it turns into a political weapon instead of a place of spiritual shelter.
Islamist militancy and ideological control
The militant Islamism is aimed at destroying secularism and enforcing strict theocracies. In such places as Sahel and horn of Africa, the extremist groups fill the gaps in governance, offering primitive justice and services so that they can acquire a certain level of legitimacy. They enlist by a combination of force and ideology by making violence a moral obligation.
The cyber era has increased the extremist reach. Transnational radicalization is now driven by online sermons, encrypted communication, and financing of the diasporas. There has been a shift in the counter-terrorism tactics, but the African governments are still finding it hard to counter the ideological appeal of such movements. Not only does extremism thrive on weaponry, as the 2025 UN report on the region terrorism noted, but also on a sense of belonging and injustice:
“Extremism thrives not merely on weapons, but on narratives of belonging and injustice.”
Pentecostalism’s contrasting influence
Although Pentecostal Christianity is not violent in most cases, it is redefining both the religious and political landscape in Africa. The fact that it has been exploding in Nigeria, Ghana and some parts of the East African context is testimony to the fact that faith can still be used to rally people. The Pentecostal churches mostly take the role of social welfare, where the education, medical and financial support is provided, where the state has failed to assist.
However, the focus on prosperity and spiritual warfare of Pentecostalism sometimes contributes to the competition with Islamic societies. The mistrust towards mixed regions is at times enhanced by public rallies, conversion campaigns, and media evangelism. However, there are numerous Pentecostal leaders who support interfaith dialogue which by virtue of the fact that the movement is a challenger and stabilizer of weak states.
Religious, political, and social interactions shaping fragile states
Africa has a close connection between religion and politics. Religious identities often dictate entry into power, jobs and justice. These divisions are being used by political elites to gain electoral votes and by the extremist groups to perpetrate violence. By definition, fragile states are not strong enough to be able to mediate such conflicts through their institutions.
The two legal systems that are different yet equally problematic are reflected in the dual-legalism system of Nigeria and the ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. Both are in an effort of accommodating difference but unwillingly institutionalize separation. Peacebuilding in this regard needs not only counter-terrorism or interfaith dialogue but structural changes that can guarantee fairness in representation and allocation of resources.
By 2025, international efforts ranging from the African Union’s peace initiatives to UN mediation continue to face resistance from local actors wary of foreign influence. Civil society organizations, meanwhile, push for grassroots reconciliation and youth empowerment, recognizing that sustainable peace must emerge from within communities themselves.
Africa’s future stability may hinge on how it navigates these intersecting crises of faith, politics, and governance. Whether Pentecostal optimism or Islamist reformism dominates the religious landscape, the continent’s fragile states stand at a crossroads. The question is not merely how to contain extremism, but how to transform faith into a bridge for unity rather than a boundary for conflict, a challenge that will define the next decade of African statehood.
