The Syrian government declared a nationwide ceasefire agreement with the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a move that constitutes one of the most significant political and military events since the start of the Syrian Civil War over a decade ago. The ceasefire agreement comes following nearly two weeks of violent battles between the US-backed force and the Syrian government. The truce is linked to a larger agreement comprising 14 points that will incorporate the SDF into the Syrian army.
Speaking in Damascus, Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa announced that this unity accord would ensure the Syrian state is able to regain control over three important provinces: Hasakah province in the east, where oil reserves are abundant; the province of Raqqa in the east; and the province of Der Ezzor in the southeast.
The Syrian state news agency termed the agreement an “initial step towards restoring our full state sovereignty,” while American officials expressed tentative welcome to the development as a possible step towards stabilizing a fractured post-war environment.
From Fragmentation to Reintegration: What the Ceasefire Covers
The truce puts an end to over a week and a half of conflict between the Syrian government forces and SDF troops that broke out due to the failure of preceding talks. According to the deal, the Syrian government will gain full control over the civilian institutions, borders, as well as the oil and gas fields, which are crucial for the autonomy established by the Kurds since the early years of the conflict.
SDF military and internal security personnel will be gradually integrated into Syria’s defence and interior ministries, subject to vetting procedures. Damascus will also take over responsibility for prisons and detention camps holding an estimated 10,000 ISIS fighters and more than 40,000 family members, many of them foreign nationals—a burden the SDF has long argued exceeded its capacity.
The agreement also reaffirms Syria’s participation in the US-led international coalition against ISIS, signaling continuity in counterterrorism cooperation despite the reintegration of US-backed forces into the Syrian state.
US Mediation and Regional Calculations
The ceasefire was announced shortly after a meeting in Damascus between President al-Sharaa and Tom Barrack, the US special envoy to Syria, underscoring Washington’s behind-the-scenes role in facilitating the agreement. Barrack praised the deal as a step toward a “unified Syria,” though US officials have stopped short of endorsing Damascus’s broader political roadmap.
SDF commander Mazloum Abdi was expected to attend the meeting but was unable to travel due to weather conditions, with his visit postponed. In a televised address and later remarks on Kurdish television channel Ronahi, Abdi confirmed the agreement and said it was designed to prevent a wider war, stressing that recent fighting had been “imposed” on the SDF.
He added that Kurdish leaders would brief communities in northeastern Syria after further consultations in Damascus.
The Rise of Kurdish Autonomy During Syria’s War
It emerged from the chaos of the ongoing civil war inside Syria, formally founded back in 2015 as a multi-ethnic force with the major component being Kurdish fighters from the People’s Protection Units, known as YPG. Supported by the United States with equipment, personnel, as well as aerial power, it became the major ally for Washington inside Syria against the ISIS threat.
The SDF had its strongest foothold on the territory and even included Raqqa, which had been ISIS’ declared capital. It covered a substantial chunk of the oil-producing as well as the wheat-producing parts of the country. It worked on the destruction of ISIS’ territory ‘caliphate’ in partnership with the US government by 2019 and even administered territory dominated by both Arabs and Kurds.
This independence, however, was never recognized by the Syrian regime and was even resisted by Turkish forces, which view the essential Kurdish factions of the SDF as affiliates of the illegal PKK.
Oil, Territory, and the Syrian State’s Red Lines
President al-Sharaa said last week it was “unacceptable for a militia to control a quarter of the country and hold its main oil and commodities resources,” highlighting the economic stakes behind the agreement. Prior to the war, Syria produced around 380,000 barrels of oil per day; while current output is far lower, northeastern fields remain critical to funding governance and reconstruction.
The deal follows Syrian government forces moving into Raqqa city and nearby oil installations after an SDF withdrawal earlier on Sunday—an apparent turning point that shifted the balance decisively in Damascus’s favor.
Kurdish Rights: A Historic but Uncertain Commitment
In a significant symbolic step, Damascus reiterated pledges to recognize Kurdish cultural and linguistic rights, including granting Kurdish official language status and declaring Nowruz, the Kurdish New Year, a national holiday. If implemented, it would mark the first formal recognition of Kurdish identity and rights since Syria gained independence from France in 1946.
Kurdish media reported that Abdi emphasized the SDF’s commitment to preserving what he described as the “achievements” and “specific characteristics” of Kurdish-led administration, suggesting that negotiations over local governance and decentralization are far from concluded.
A Fragile Turning Point
The agreement follows months of stalled negotiations after a previous integration attempt collapsed amid mutual distrust and regional pressure. While the ceasefire reduces the immediate risk of broader conflict, major questions remain over implementation, power-sharing, and the future role of local administrations.
For Damascus, the deal represents a major step toward reclaiming territorial unity after more than a decade of war. For the SDF and Syria’s Kurds, it marks the end of de facto autonomy—but also, potentially, the beginning of a new phase of negotiated inclusion within the Syrian state.
Whether the agreement delivers durable stability or merely postpones future confrontation will depend on how its promises—particularly on rights, representation, and security—are translated from paper into practice.
