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How counterterrorism united Putin and Bush after 9/11

Recent releases of declassified tapes have disclosed that Russian President Vladimir Putin reacted quickly to cultivate a relationship with US President George W. Bush prior to global developments that were to alter their relations. In fact, it is reported that Putin was the first foreign leader to call President Bush on his birthday in July 2001 and again on September 11, 2001 after the terror attack on the US.

These kinds of early moves, revealed in FOIA requests obtained through the National Security Archive at George Washington University, indicate the role of personal diplomacy in creating the foundation for what Bush later called the U.S. and Russia “alliance.”

What did Putin and Bush say in the aftermath of 9/11?

During a phone conversation on September 12, 2001, Bush showed his appreciation to Putin for being the first leader to offer support. President Bush’s appeal to a joint mission is clear in his statement: “I just want to show the world that freedom-loving people like you and me can unite against these cowards.”

Putin’s reaction was unambiguous: “I’m fully with you.” This example illustrated a rare moment during which Washington and Moscow found themselves in strategic and emotional sync during a time of world crises.

How did counterterrorism rhetoric shape their early meetings?

In their personal meetings in Shanghai in October 2001 and eventually at the White House in November, both leaders stepped up their rhetoric against terrorism. Putin specifically made a direct connection between his country’s war in Chechnya and the US effort against al-Qaeda, implying that Chechen fighters were similar to Arabs supported by Osama bin Laden.

Bush described the Taliban as “fleeing like rabbits,” while Putin argued they must be “destroyed like rats, or bought off.” Bush reinforced this hardline posture by declaring, “North, south, east, or west, we’ll get ’em—dead or alive.”

What unresolved tensions persisted beneath the partnership?

Despite the level of public unity, the transcripts are full of strategic irritants. The United States plans to continue testing missile defense systems. These plans have implications for the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. It remains one of the essential pillars of Cold War arms control policies. Another aspect is that Russia still objects to NATO’s expansion.

Other issues that were left unresolved are Cold War leftovers, including the Jackson-Vanik amendment that limited trade even with Russia while China had most-favoured-nation status.

How deep was U.S.–Russia cooperation after 9/11?

However, he assured Bush that Russia would avoid “anti-American hysteria” in these conflicts. Transcripts indicate intense cooperation in non-proliferation of nuclear arms, especially regarding Iran and North Korea.

Russia was also a crucial player in the war in Afghanistan for the United States. Putin’s help, in particular through cooperation with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, was found to be “invaluable” by Bush.

How did Iraq test the limits of the Putin–Bush relationship?

When the United States was preparing to invade Iraq during the early months of 2003, the dialogue between the two leaders intensified and became more strained as Putin was opposed to the invasion but chose to handle it carefully and utilize it as an occasion to further expand cooperation between the two countries on the matter of terrorism.

In a remarkable telephone conversation on the 18th of March, 2003, Putin challenged the lawfulness of the President when he stated, “The use of force without the sanction of the UN Security Council is impossible under the UN Charter.” This displayed some elements of a rift that would subsequently become vastly more pronounced.

Why were these transcripts kept secret for so long?

These records were disclosed only after a FOIA case filed through a lawsuit from the National Security Archive against the National Archives and Records Administration of the United States. This case took pro bono legal representation from the law firm Goodwin Procter, led by lawyers Jaime Santos and Andrew Kim.

Following a request for the documents through a FOIA submitted in November 2023, the George W. Bush Presidential Library anticipated a 12-year wait before the documents could be reviewed. But after a lawsuit in November 2024, most transcripts were released in December 2025, except those awaiting review.

Who led the effort to reconstruct the Putin–Bush record?

Dr. Svetlana Savranskaya, director of the Archive’s Russia programs, prepared a detailed chronology of each telephone call and meeting between Putin and Bush, based on Kremlin summaries and U.S. presidential archives. Her work linked the first encounters in Slovenia in 2001 to the last meeting at Putin’s Sochi dacha in 2008, showing how the relationship moved from warm to cautious disagreement.

What does this release reveal about a lost moment in history?

This is the second volume in the Electronic Briefing Books series on Putin’s presidency at the Archive. The early transcripts record a brief moment when collaboration between the U.S. and Russia appeared not only possible but permanent—before the events of Iraq, NATO expansion, and different visions of the international order drove the partnership apart.

Who supported the release of these historical records?

The long-term research effort was supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York through its philanthropic backing of the National Security Archive. The Archive receives no government funding and relies on donations, foundation support, and academic subscriptions to sustain its work.

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