Moscow has confirmed that Russian forces stationed in Niger directly contributed to thwarting an ISIL-affiliated attack on the country’s capital airport, a rather unusual attack on the core of Niger’s political and military establishment. While Niger’s military junta has touted this event as evidence of the efficacy of its growing partnership with Russia, observers have noted that this attack highlights the underlying security vulnerabilities of the Sahel region and has raised questions about the actual significance of Russia’s growing military presence in the region.
What Happened at Niamey Airport?
The attack took place on the night of January 28 at Diori Hamani International Airport, located roughly 10 kilometres from Niger’s presidential palace. According to Nigerien authorities:
- Around 20 attackers were killed
- 11 fighters were captured
- Four Nigerien soldiers were wounded
ISIL’s affiliate media outlet, Amaq News Agency, claimed responsibility, describing the operation as a “surprise and coordinated attack” on an airbase within the airport complex. Video released by Amaq showed armed fighters firing near aircraft hangars, setting at least one plane ablaze, and retreating on motorbikes.
While ISIL claimed “significant damage,” Nigerien authorities have downplayed the operational impact, and no independent verification of losses or damage has been provided.
Moscow’s Confirmation and Strategic Framing
In a remarkably candid statement, Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has confirmed Russian involvement.
“The attack was repelled through the joint efforts of the Russian Ministry of Defence’s African Corps and the Nigerien armed forces,”
the ministry said, adding that Moscow
“strongly condemns this latest extremist attack.”
Russia also attributed the Niamey attack to a “similar attack on the Bamako airport in Mali in September 2024,” implying that
“external forces providing instructor and technical support”
may be facilitating extremist activities, making a veiled statement without pointing to any country.
Niger’s military leader, General Abdourahamane Tiani, later visited the Russian military base in Niamey, thanking Russian soldiers for their “high level of professionalism,” which was a sign of the regime’s dependence on Russia for protection.
A Rare Capital Attack Signals Evolving Threats
Niamey has largely been spared the scale of violence seen in rural western Niger and the tri-border area with Mali and Burkina Faso. Attacks have typically targeted:
- Remote military outposts
- Villages accused of cooperating with the state
- Border regions in Tillabéri and Diffa
The targeting of a major international airport marks a tactical escalation. According to Ulf Laessing of Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the sophistication of the assault—including possible drone use and precise timing—suggests either inside assistance or serious intelligence failures.
ISIL in the Sahel (EIS) has steadily expanded its operational reach. In 2024 alone, the group was linked to:
- The killing of more than 120 civilians in Tillabéri
- The abduction of a U.S. pilot in October
- Multiple coordinated assaults on Nigerien military positions
Rather than weakening, ISIL appears increasingly confident.
Russia’s Expanding Role in the Sahel
Russia’s African Corps—formed after the formal dismantling of the Wagner Group—has steadily replaced French and Western military partners across the Sahel. Russian forces or military instructors are now reported in:
- Niger
- Mali
- Burkina Faso
- Central African Republic
- Libya
- Equatorial Guinea
The Russian role is presented as stabilizing and counter-terrorism oriented. Nevertheless, conflict data from ACLED reveals that violent events in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have escalated since 2021, despite the presence of Russian-backed forces.
In Mali, civilian deaths at the hands of state or associated forces escalated sharply after Wagner’s arrival, including the massacre in Moura in 2022, which received widespread international condemnation. Niger has thus far escaped atrocities on the same scale, but the attack in Niamey indicates that it remains vulnerable despite external support.
Geopolitics, Uranium, and Strategic Infrastructure
The airport in Niamey is more than a military base. It is also home to
“Bases for the Niger-Burkina Faso-Mali Joint Force”
and
“A large uranium stockpile at the heart of a nationalization dispute with French nuclear company Orano.”
Niger is the seventh-largest uranium producer in the world and provides a substantial amount of fuel for France’s nuclear power industry. The importance of security control at the airport cannot be underestimated, and this is why there are suspicions that Russia’s involvement is not limited to fighting terrorism.
Blame-Shifting and Unproven Allegations
In the wake of the attack, General Tiani accused France, Benin, and Ivory Coast of supporting the attack, which were allegations made without proof. The three countries have rejected the allegations, with Benin terming them “not very credible.” Ivory Coast summoned the Niger ambassador in protest. France has not yet responded to the allegations
The allegations are part of a larger trend in the rhetoric of the Sahelian junta, where external enemies are blamed for internal insecurity.
Fighting Terrorism—or Managing Perception?
Russia rarely confirms its operational role in the Sahel, making this admission notable. Analysts suggest Moscow may be using the incident to reinforce a narrative that Russian security partnerships are more decisive and reliable than Western ones.
Yet the core question remains unresolved: if Russian-backed forces are improving security, why are attacks becoming more daring and symbolically significant?
After more than a decade of counterterrorism operations—first with France, then with regional coalitions, and now with Russia—Niger continues to face resilient insurgent groups capable of striking at the heart of the capital.
While the repulsion of the Niamey airport attack may represent a short-term tactical success for Nigerien and Russian forces, it does little to mask deeper structural failures. ISIL’s ability to target strategic infrastructure, combined with rising regional violence, suggests that military partnerships alone—whether Western or Russian—have not addressed the root causes of instability in the Sahel.
For Niger’s junta and its Russian allies, the incident may serve as a propaganda victory. For civilians and regional security, it is another warning that the Sahel’s war is far from being contained—and may, in fact, be entering a more dangerous phase.
