Images recently publicised online reveal that both sides in Sudan’s yearlong battle have armed their fighters with Iranian anti-tank missiles. The exact origin of the Saeghe anti-tank guided missile system (ATGMS) remains ambiguous. Sudan’s state-owned weapons engineer manufactured the systems for many years, leading some critics to speculate that — in the case of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) — the weapons may have been stolen from captured military bases.
Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) leaders have declined to receive weapons from Iran but refused to say where they came from. Sudan continued its ties with Iran in October 2023 after a seven-year hiatus. In December 2023, a Sudanese delegation called Iran on a mission to acquire Iranian Mohajer-6 attack drones.
In 2024, those drones joined the Sudanese battlefield. Photographic evidence posted by Radio Dabanga and other sources indicated Iranian Revolutionary Guard cargo planes on the tarmac in Port Sudan, the base of procedure for Sudan’s government led by Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Since renewing diplomatic relations, Sudan has granted Iranian Navy vessels access to Sudanese ports, offering Iran a limited Red Sea presence. Sudan has not yet allowed Iran to inaugurate a permanent naval base despite requests, according to published reports.
Iran likely is to continue its aid to Sudan in a way that could have a substantial impact beyond Sudan’s domestic conflict. The revitalization of its relations with Iran holds the potential to impact not only the region but also the global balance of power. The fact of Iranian weapons in Sudan has drawn the engagement of Iran’s regional rivals, including the United Arab Emirates, which backs the RSF. Iran has shipped Saeghe missiles to other conflict zones where it aims to influence, most notably Yemen.
The anti-tank missiles are just the domain of Sudan’s arsenal of Iranian-made weapons. The SAF fields a collection of drones, firearms and armoured vehicles either made by Iran or established on Iranian designs, thanks to a long record of military cooperation between the two countries. Over the course of decades, Iran provided the SAF with military training and allowed Sudan to buy Chinese military planes. The SAF utilised Iranian aircraft during the prolonged battle with the portion of the country that eventually became South Sudan.
Since January, the SAF has operated its Iranian-supplied drones to retake territory lost to the RSF. That includes large parts of Omdurman, Sudan’s second most populated city and part of the three-city capital complex that includes Khartoum and the industrial city of Khartoum North. Khartoum remains mostly under the RSF’s control. Mohajer-6 drone attacks have enabled the SAF to regain ground elsewhere by pushing RSF fighters from key areas.
The flood of Iranian weapons into Sudan is a component of Iran’s broader goal of specifying a foothold in Africa and the Red Sea — probably at the expense of Sudan. By specifying a presence in a nation traditionally aligned with Saudi Arabia, Iran stands to strengthen its influence significantly. As the conflict within the country continues, Iran’s existence is poised to increase it further.
