U.S. Africa Command, also known as AFRICOM, conducted airstrikes on February 1 against a local branch of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) in the remote Golis Mountains in northern Somalia. Later, AFRICOM announced that the airstrikes succeeded in killing their main target: Ahmed Maeleninine, an ISIS recruiter, financier, and leader responsible for sending jihadists to Europe and the United States. The new US administration has since launched several strikes against al-Shabaab (a branch of al-Qaeda) and ISIS-Somalia, putting the region firmly in the spotlight of its kinetic military actions.

As a continent, Africa has been at the forefront of the war on terror; the African Union recorded more than 3,400 terrorist attacks and 13,900 deaths in 2024 alone on the continent. 

For instance, ISIS-Somalia illustrates how terrorist groups have deeply entrenched themselves in the continent. Since its split from al-Shabaab in 2015, the Somali faction of ISIS has experienced significant growth. According to AFRICOM, the group has doubled in size. Also, rumors persist that Abdul Qadir Mumin, the leader of ISIS-Somalia, who reportedly became the global leader of ISIS in 2023, survived a US strike last year. Clearly, the focus of the United States on this group is understandable. Although unverified, the speculation that the ISIS leader may not be of Arab descent and could be operating from Africa highlights the alarming connection between terrorism and the continent.

A series of coups have driven democracies from the Sahel in recent years, replacing US and European Union support with Russian mercenaries. It is clear, however, that Russian support has hard limits across the region. Al-Qaeda jihadists briefly occupied Bamako’s airport last year and posed for photos with the presidential jet in Mali – where leaders turned to Russia for military support. 

Anticipate heightened US focus on Africa regarding counterterrorism efforts. Current actions indicate a strong approach from the United States. As the Trump administration considers rapprochement, it is likely to recall the lessons from the 2017 Tongo Tongo ambush in Niger. During this incident, a joint US-Nigerien operation targeting a leader of the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara was ambushed, leading to the fatalities of four US Special Forces members soldiers. The ambush was the deadliest attack against the US military in Africa in decades. 

Over the past few years, global attention has been concentrated more on Eastern Europe and Middle Eastern conflicts than African conflicts. Although international terrorists and jihadists are now rooted in Africa and pursuing global ambitions beyond carving out territory—posing a major threat to the United States and its allies—attention is needed. Any war on terror fought in Africa will require the United States to be involved.

Some engagement has already begun. Interestingly, while conversations around US global deployments emphasize withdrawals and reductions, dialogues about US presence in Africa are highlighting the contrary direction. US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, whose first visit overseas conspicuously included the AFRICOM base in Germany, said, “Africa is very much the front lines of a fight from Islamists . . . We’re not going to allow them to maintain a foothold, especially to try to strike at America.” Hegseth notably signed a directive during a meeting with AFRICOM leaders that eased restrictions and executive oversight on US foreign airstrikes and deployments commandos.

The airstrikes in Somalia last month are likely to be the first of many. The fact remains that combating terror in the modern era will require action in Africa, even though many analysts are loath to predict what this administration will do in foreign affairs.